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By JAMES BROOKE
Published: December 29, 2000
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OTTAWA— From a Vancouver detention cell, Lai Changxing, the man charged with masterminding the largest corruption scandal in modern Chinese history, presents Canada with a devilish dilemma.
Deport him to China for trial on economic charges, an almost certain guarantee that he would be executed? Or grant China’s most-wanted man asylum and unwillingly tell the world that Canada is a sunny place for shady people, a haven for international suspects facing excessive punishment at home?
”Canada is clearly not a safe haven for criminals,” Murray Wilkinson, a Canadian immigration enforcement officer, said recently at a political refugee hearing in Vancouver. Referring to Mr. Lai and his wife, Tsang Mingna, who is also under detention, he charged that they were ”trying to hide behind the refugee system of Canada.”
The case has implications for the United States. An American interagency report released this month by the White House said Canada had become a North American port of entry and haven for Asian gang leaders, who could ”conduct criminal activities that impact our country.”
Traditionally, Canada, a liberal country without a death penalty, has resisted deporting asylum applicants who are likely to be tortured or executed after returning home.
But Mr. Lai, 42, who quietly appears at detention hearings dressed in green prison garb, is no ordinary asylum applicant. And China is no ordinary petitioner. Two months from now, Canada, which wants to diversify trade and reduce dependence on the United States, is to send to China a 10-day trade mission of 300 business executives, led by Prime Minister Jean Chretien.
Mr. Lai, according to court documents sent from China, was the kingpin of an enterprise that smuggled $6.4 billion worth of goods into China, evading $3.6 billion in duties.
Operating out of the southeastern Chinese port city of Xiamen, Mr. Lai, Chinese prosecutors say, smuggled shiploads of oil, rubber, cars, cigarettes and cellular telephones and other electronic equipment. Navy boats escorted the ships into harbor as part of a vast ring of corruption that Mr. Lai oiled with millions of dollars of bribes and a guest house known as the Small Red Mansion. There, he wined and dined key officials and secretly videotaped them cavorting with ”hostesses.”
The son of peasants who has only a sixth-grade education, Mr. Lai built a commercial trading empire in southern China and in Hong Kong. At the height of his power, in the summer of 1999, he was chairman of the Yuanhua Group, which had holdings that included the Xiamen municipal soccer team and a replica of Beijing’s Forbidden City, a tourist attraction north of the city. Just before his fall, he broke ground on what was to be the city’s tallest building, the 88-story Yuanhua International Center.
But according to the Chinese government, Yuanhua, which means Fare Well, flourished because he avoided import duties by paying off dozens of military, police, customs and party officials.
In summer 1999, Beijing decided to crack down on the smuggling ring. Feeling the pressure, Chinese court documents say, Mr. Lai went to the top, offering a $240 million bribe to Prime Minister Zhu Rongji.
Through his lawyers, Mr. Lai asserts that he merely ended up on the wrong side of a political fight in China and that testimony against him was obtained through torture.
On Aug. 14, 1999, Mr. Lai, using a Hong Kong passport, fled with his wife and three children to Vancouver.
Two of his brothers did not move fast enough and were arrested. In June, Chinese government investigators visited Mr. Lai in Canada, bringing along one brother in an attempt to persuade him to come home. Mr. Lai probably knew at that time that the Chinese authorities had jailed eight relatives. He declined to return to China, and the family promptly filed for refugee status.
In Canada, Canadian officials say, Mr. Lai lived an easy life, consorting with members of Chinese gangs, losing at least a quarter of a million dollars at gambling tables, and paying his bills from a $1.5 million account at the Hongkong and Shanghai Banking Corporation. In September, he and his family were found eligible to pursue refugee status, and in October they filed the necessary documents.
Meanwhile, back in southeastern China, things were not going well for the relatives, business associates and government contacts Mr. Lai left behind.
Last month, 12 defendants were jailed for life, and 58 others received lesser jail sentences. The brother who visited him in Canada received 10 years. A brother lured from Australia received 15 years. Death sentences were meted out to 11 defendants. This month, a second round of trials began in Xiamen and other cities for up to 100 suspects.
On Nov. 23, Mr. Lai was arrested in a casino hotel in Niagara Falls, Ontario.
”The Chinese want him back very badly, and Canada seems to be going along with it,” complained Alistair A. Boulton, a Vancouver lawyer who is seeking to have the detained couple released, pending a decision on their application for refugee status. Asserting that back in China the couple would face the death penalty, he said of his clients, ”They do not want to be killed.”
Sometimes, Canada has deported criminal suspects after negotiating promises from foreign officials to forgo the death penalty. But earlier this year, this did not work with China, a country that does not have an extradition treaty with Canada.
In January, Canada deported to China Yang Fong, a 35-year-old Chinese citizen wanted on charges stemming from a 10-year-old computer fraud case that involved $130,000. Canada deported Mr. Yang after receiving promises that he would get no more than a 10-year sentence. Instead, Mr. Yang was executed.
Believing that execution is the fate that awaits Mr. Lai, his lawyer plans to fight any removal from Canada. Mr. Boulton said that if Mr. Lai and his wife were sent to a third jurisdiction, Hong Kong or Panama for instance, they would end up in China ”lickety split.” He added, ”If Canada cannot stand up to China, I don’t see why Panama would.”
So far, prospects for release do not look good. In one hearing, Mr. Murray, the government officer, argued that the Lai family’s unwillingness to surrender their Hong Kong passports showed ”an intention to use those passports to flee Canada when they decide the stove gets too hot.”
Daphne Shaw Dyck, an immigration and refugee board adjudicator, seemed to agree on Dec. 5 when she refused to release the couple on bond, saying a ”huge bond would be unlikely to tether them to Canada as they have a great deal of money, which judging from Mr. Lai’s gambling activities in Canada, they are quite prepared to lose.”
Photo: China accuses Lai Changxing of heading a huge smuggling ring. (Agence France-Presse)
Correction: January 4, 2001, Thursday Because of an editing error, an article on Friday about Lai Chang xing, a Chinese fugitive in Canada, misstated the English-language name of the company he headed, which was at the center of a smuggling scandal. The company, the Yuanhua Group, uses the name ”Fair Well,” not ”Fare Well.”
Fugitive billionaire from China tired after ongoing extradition battle
Assessment of Lai Changxing to determine what will happen if he’s deported
Last Updated: Tuesday, September 18, 2007 | 4:32 PM PT
CBC News
FOR EDUCATIONAL USE ONLY
33 Yale J. Int’l L. 177
Yale Journal of International Law
Winter 2008
Notes
*177 A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF THE UNITED STATES’S RESPONSE TO EXTRADITION REQUESTS FROM CHINA
Matthew Bloom [FNd1]
Copyright (c) 2008 Yale Journal of International Law, Inc.; Matthew Bloom
I. Introduction…………………………………………. 177
II. The Intersection of Extradition Law and Human Rights Law…………………………………………………………………………………….. 182
A. History of Individual Rights in Extradition………….. 183
B. The Modern Human Rights Movement and Extradition……… 185
C. Which Human Rights?………………………………….. 187
III. Divergent Approaches to Extraditions with China…….. 188
A. Treaty-Based Approach to Extradition with China………. 190
B. Non-Engagement Approach to Extradition with China…….. 195
C. Case-by-Case Approach to Extradition with China………. 199
IV. Analyzing the U.S. Case-by-Case Approach Contra the Other Approaches………………………………………………………………………………….. 202
A. Defining Interests in U.S. Extradition Policy………… 202
B. The U.S. Approach and Cooperation in the Pursuit of Terrorists……………………………………………………………………………………. 204
C. The U.S. Approach and the Protection of Individual Rights…………………………………………………………………………………….. 205
D. The U.S. Approach and Human Rights Reform in China……. 207
V. Suggestions for the U.S. Approach to Extradition with China……………………………………………………………………………………. 208
A. Enhance Protections for Individuals Through Domestic Legislation…………………………………………………………………………………… 209
B. Increase Public Guidance To Realize Desired Human Rights Reforms…………………………………………………………………………………… 212
C. Increase Cooperation Outside of the Extradition-Human Rights Dialogue………………………………………………………………………………….. 213
VI. Conclusion………………………………………….. 214
I. Introduction
Since the late 1970s, China has undertaken a process of opening up to the world and engaging in economic reform. [FN1] This process has brought increased opportunities for Western nations to cooperate with China. [FN2] Predictably, efforts to cooperate also have given rise to new challenges, as Chinese and Western cultures [FN3] and systems often conflict.
*178 Extradition, which is an important component of transnational criminal law enforcement, [FN4] presents one area in which cooperation with the Chinese was not previously available, [FN5] but now can provide important benefits. The United States and its allies are dedicated to combating international terrorism, and they are negotiating mutual legal assistance and extradition treaties “at an increasingly vigorous pace” in order to facilitate the return of suspected terrorists for prosecution. [FN6] Further, a nation that cooperates in criminal law enforcement can gain favor in China, which can translate into enhanced business ties in the rapidly developing Chinese economy. [FN7] The Chinese are also keenly interested in cooperating on extradition matters in order to eliminate safe havens and bring to justice high-level corrupt officials who have fled with significant capital (and who have overwhelmingly sought refuge in developed Western nations). [FN8] In early 2007, China officially called upon Western nations to sign extradition treaties with it. [FN9] Based on their mutual interest in cooperation, one might expect Sino-Western extradition treaty negotiations to proceed effortlessly.
For the West, however, human rights concerns present a significant drawback to increased cooperation on extradition to China. Over the last several decades, the human rights movement has “turned its attention to extradition” to secure the rights of the individual sent to the requesting country, and “[t]reaties, executive acts and judicial decisions on extradition have all been affected.” [FN10] Extraditions to China are particularly controversial because of the country’s human rights practices. China uses the death penalty *179 frequently, including as punishment for nonviolent crimes. [FN11] It also is severely criticized for its poor record on torture; cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment or punishment; prison sentences and conditions; harsh interrogation methods; discrimination based on ethnicity, gender, and disability; the right to a fair trial; and the right to privacy. [FN12]